
Slavery has a (odious) moral dimension—when seen from within and in the context of modern thought and cultural expectations. I would say that that moral dimension has an absolute quality, but that is a very modern understanding. As a practice, slavery has had an extremely broad application in many, though not all, human societies over long periods of time. One has to look at that experience fully to understand our society and what we may want it, or any society to be. That’s not navel-gazing, any more than studying, say, infanticide, would be, a practice at least as odious by any rational evaluation if at times pragmatic in a triage of needs.
There has been a moderately large body of literature investigating the economics of slavery. The conclusions are not settled, in part because the debate became a forum for political agendas more than evaluations. I have no special expertise in that, but those interested wouldn’t find it difficult to persue the subject.
There is a deeper level, however. There is a strong argument, which I happen to accept, that the rebirth of international trade in Europe from 600 AD, both in the North and in the Mediterranean, was essentially leveraged upon the slave trade—by Europeans, of near neighbors and even cultural affines, to non-Europeans for the most part. Because _people_ were the most valuable commodity which could be extracted, by force of course, from the environment. While the economic literature on a related point is less developed, the argument could readily be extended to much of the Muslim economy of the Near East 600-1500 CE, and to the economies of Central Asia of the same time. And there have been economic studies of Classical Antiquity suggesting that the slave trade was the fulcrum of trade qua trade; it’s maximum was the maximum of concentrated wealth, and it’s progressive decline led and perhaps significantly precipitated economic decline overall.
I mention this because the implication is that slavery as a commodity trade has been a principal component of the structure of wealth and economic interaction in urban societies since, well, forever, and shaped may social institutions and cultural values. What changed that dynamic was exactly _and only_ the Industrial Revolution. There is then an hypothesis, not explored but put before us now in some respects, that a _post-_Industrial society might in some respects see a resurgence in ‘slavery in all but name,’ or the at the very least of the legal equivalent of serfdom. People, more specifically the result of their labor, become more of a commodity the less that industry generates more valuable commodities. Economic interaction and wealth concentration largely drive this outcome is how I read the history; racism and objectivication only _follow_ the status, since it justifies, cements, and obscures the crimes of chattelization and greed involved pursued with the most profound sociopathy. Prejudice doesn’t make slavery, slavery makes prejudice—and trade has tended to make slavery where other commodities are few.
Of course slavery and serfdome, quasi or actual, should and must be opposed. But that will take organization if the bias in society is to devolve to commodification human beings in situations of productive decline. And both that opposition and the organization involved will be better if done with eyes wide open on the human history and potentials for slavery as a practice than done from a stance of moral repugnance alone. We, in countries and skins or relative privilege, have the privilege of moral repugnance whereas landless peasants in Colombia or Mauritania or India who have more direct experience with slavery-in-all-but-name need more than moral repugnance to end slavery. No power makes one vulnerable; ergo, power distribution needs to be changed. We all know that that takes . . . a whole lot more than repugnance.
I'm leaving a marker here because it chimes with some ideas I've been trying to think through: What if the state, and the social contract, are not simply worse, but qualitatively different in some fundamental way?
For example, this statement:
Because _people_ were the most valuable commodity which could be extracted
is probably no longer true, and not even for people. But it might well be true for organs. The body might be conceived of as a collection of organs through each of which flows a stream of money controlled, and skimmed, by a rentier, through processes mediated by "specialists" and more generally "professionals." These organs would include, but are not limited to, breasts, as the Kormen controversy vividly shows. Eh?
If you liked this post, buy the author some books.- lambert's blog
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This may be of interest
Orlando Patterson, the Jamaican born sociologist who earned his PhD at the London School of Economics and holds a chair at Harvard, advances interesting ideas about the meaning of "freedom." Here he is in 1992 discussing his thesis with Brian Lamb.
In his book Freedom -- Freedom in the Making of Western Culture, Patterson explains in his preface:
Patterson contends that our concept of freedom grew out of the personal and political dynamics between slaves, freedmen, freemen, and masters as they evolved in the Athenian state beginning in the late seventh century B. C. and, then later with the "more extraordinary spread" of slavery in the Roman Empire. This uniquely Western concept of freedom has three "constituent elements," two of which would cause us little pause.
Patterson identifies "civic freedom" as one element. It "is the capacity of adult members of a community to participate in its life and governance. A person feels free, in this sense, to the degree that he or she belongs to the community of birth, has a recognized place in it, and is involved in some way in its governance."
A second element is "personal freedom, [that which] gives a person the sense that one...is not being coerced or restrained by another person in doing something desired and...the conviction that one can do as one pleases within the limits of other person's desire to do the same."
There is a third element "which emerged in the west at about the same time as personal freedom [which] is what [Patterson] call[s] sovereignal freedom. This is simply the power to act as one pleases, regardless of the wishes of others...It may, indeed, be illogical and immoral to desire for oneself the absence of obstacles, only to be able to restrain others, but, it is a sociohistorical fact that human beings have always sought to do just that, and frequently have succeeded in doing so.... The idea that there is something wrong with this is one of the peculiar products of Enlightenment rationalism...."
But...
...as true as the new serfdom might be, it can be undone in a flash with the right political determination. The crazy thing is that we are all enslaved by our own inability to reject the rules of the game we are playing. There is no scarcity of money. We could all be living rather well, except that we keep kowtowing to the powers that are holding the cash. What if we all stopped participating?
Come together at The Confluence
I agree
Which is why non-compliance is the key.... And not the police... But I'm a writer not an organizer and I can't think through the "flash point" here. We are wrong to think of ideas as immaterial. They are they hardest things of all to move.
First they ignore you, then they ridicule you, then they fight you, then you win. -- Mahatma Gandhi
Ideas hard to move? Heh.
Ideas hard to move? Heh. Reread your sig line, lambert.
First they ignore you, then they ridicule you, then they fight you, then you win. -- Mahatma Gandhi
(Sure they're hard to move. But they're even harder to move BACK.)
This is the komen link I was looking fit
New Yorker:
Literal parts. Not metaphorical parts.
First they ignore you, then they ridicule you, then they fight you, then you win. -- Mahatma Gandhi
Heady stuff - Reading Fresia last night on Iroquois
The Iroquois "allow no kind of Superiority of one over the another, and banish all Servitude from their Territories." Their leaders "were regarded as servants of their people and were generally poorer than the common people, for they affect to give away and distribute all the presents of Plunder they get from their Treaties or War, so as to leave nothing for themselves."
So our Framers borrow "We the people" from the Iroquois, but it hardly meant the same thing since they "prevented political participation of the poor, women, and Native Americans". And, of course, approved slavery.
The Constitution according to Fresia, Wolin, and others was a document meant to make obedient servants and not people who had a part in the decision-making. The Framers idea of "freedom" is different than what we have been taught. Ya think?
Politics is the art of looking for trouble, finding it everywhere, diagnosing it incorrectly and applying the wrong remedies.
Groucho Marx