Our Legislator In Chief: Signing Statements (Part I)

President Bush has used signing statements attached to adopted legislation more times than all the prior 41 presidents combined. As Charlie Savage poignantly described it in his April 30, 2006 article in the Boston Globe:

[Bush] has signed every bill that reached his desk, often inviting the legislation's sponsors to signing ceremonies at which he lavishes praise upon their work.

Then, after the media and the lawmakers have left the White House, Bush quietly files "signing statements" -- official documents in which a president lays out his legal interpretation of a bill for the federal bureaucracy to follow when implementing the new law. The statements are recorded in the federal register.

Of course, since that Pulitzer Prize-winning article, Bush has managed to use his veto three times (twice to halt stem-cell research and once to avoid halting the Iraq War). However, his singing statements continue unabated.

In 2006, the American Bar Association produced their report entitled “Task Force On Presidential Signing Statements And The Separation Of Powers Doctrine.” This report begins with the following resolution:

RESOLVED, That the American Bar Association opposes, as contrary to the rule of law and our constitutional system of separation of powers, the issuance of presidential signing statements that claim the authority or state the intention to disregard or decline to enforce all or part of a law the President has signed, or to interpret such a law in a manner inconsistent with the clear intent of Congress;

On June 18, 2007, the United States Government Accountability Office issued a report about its analysis of a narrow group of President Bush’s signing statements. Its subject was “Presidential Signing Statements Accompanying the Fiscal Year 2006 Appropriations Acts.”

In this document’s summary, the GAO concluded that:

In 11 of the 12 appropriations acts for fiscal year 2006, the President issued signing statements identifying constitutional concerns or objections with some provisions appearing in the acts. In total, the President singled out 160 provisions of law in these 11 signing statements, which we categorized on the basis of the President’s stated concern or objection. We examined 19 of these provisions and found that agencies did not execute 6 of the provisions as written.

Considering the fact that President Bush has issued over 750 signing statements, we can only imagine the amount of legislation that is not being executed by this president.

The impending Constitutional crisis over these signing statements is the likely impetus behind Senator Arlen Specter’s (R-PA) introduction of
Senate Bill 1747,
the “Presidential Signing Statement Act of 2007.”

(4) Much more recently, some courts have begun using presidential signing statements as a source of authority in the interpretation of Acts of Congress.

(5) This judicial use of presidential signing statements is inappropriate, because it in effect gives these statements the force of law. As the Supreme Court itself has explained, Article I, section 7, of the Constitution provides a `single, finely wrought and exhaustively considered, procedure' for the making of Federal law. I.N.S. v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919, 951 (1983). Presidential signing statements are not passed by both Houses of Congress pursuant to Article I, section 7, so they are not the supreme law of the land. It is inappropriate, therefore, for courts to rely on presidential signing statements as a source of authority in the interpretation of Acts of Congress.

In the Specter Bill, Congress would reserve the right to support their own positions, contrary to presidential signing statements by submitting amicus briefs to the court ruling on any Constitutional issues regarding signing statements.

It is questionable whether any challenges regarding presidential signing statements will get adjudicated on their merits given Bush’s Presidential Playbook:

1)Claim Executive Privilege
2)Claim Harm to National Security

The result is that courts are unable to get to the actual case or controversy as a result of the plaintiffs’ lack of standing.

Part II of this article will expose 10 incredible Bush singing statements and their related statutes. (It takes a bit of time to untangle the mess). Also, a discussion of how the Supreme Court case, Clinton v. City of New York in which the line item veto was ruled unconstitutional, might play into this three-branched fight.

As a preview, consider the words of newly confirmed Associate Justice Samuel Alito, Jr. from his time as Justice Department lawyer in 1986:

Reagan’s legal team should “concentrate on points of true ambiguity, rather than issuing interpretations that may seem to conflict with those of Congress.”

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Mixing the separated powers is tyranny by definition

We can't say that enough. Our hair has been on fire about this for years:

And here’s what the American political scene looks like when you’re not (so much of) an insider. Jump to the last paragraph of Drew’s article “Power Grab” in the current issue of The New York Review of Books:

James Madison wrote in Federalist Paper No. 47:

The accumulation of all powers legislative, executive and judiciary in the same hands, whether of one, a few or many…may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.

That extraordinary powers have, under Bush, been accumulated in the “same hands” is now undeniable. For the first time in more than thirty years, and to a greater extent than even then, our constitutional form of government is in jeopardy.

Impeachment is not the Constitutional crisis. Impeachment is the cure for the Constitutional crisis.

No authoritarians were tortured in the writing of this post.

"First they ignore you, then they ridicule you, then they fight you, then you win." -- Mahatma Gandhi

"Constitutional Crisis" - Definitions, Cures

From reading the prior posts linked above (thank you, Lambert), indeed the hair of those in the Mighty Corrente Building has been on fire for quite some time.

Conclusions that "Impeachment is not a Constitutional crisis" and "Impeachment is the cure for the Consitutional crisis" are wonderful axioms, but not entirely accurate.

The definition of a Constitutional crisis is a situation in which one or more of the three branches of our government is/are in direct confrontation over power, authority. An impeachment proceeding is just that - the Congress vs. the President.

Also, while impeachment may be a cure, it is not the only remedy and certainly is not a panacea.

The judicial branch is another possible "cure" for the current crisis. It is doubtful - as I pointed out, given stonewalling by the president.

As Bruce Fein said in the Boston Globe article I cited:

There is no way for an independent judiciary to check [the president's] assertions of power, and Congress isn't doing it either.

But what do I know?

The Bill of Rights is a born rebel. It reeks with sedition. In every clause it shakes its fist in the face of constituted authority. . . . it is the one guaranty of human freedom to the American people. - Frank Irving Cobb

Judicial Checks?

In fact, Bush and his associates have gone so far out of their way to avoid any possibility that a court of competent jurisdiction could rule on the Constitutionality of what they're doing (through assertions of executive privilege, state secrets, national security, and, when in doubt, actually dismissing criminal charges against a person in order to deprive the court of the power to review the executive's actions against this person), that it is virtually impossible to consider the judicial branch as a possible check on Presidential (and vice-Presidential) power.

what nora said

the courts have been packed with fascists for years now. i was screaming mad that the dems didn't seriously oppose roberts or alito, and this is exactly why. we can't count on the courts saving us, or even doing the constitutionally right thing anymore.